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Himalaya – Sir McMahon, Kim and Xi News

Sunday, September 3rd, 2017 | Economy

Since June, a conflict has been wrought in the Himalayas between the two atmospheres of India and China since decades. The media did not take much notice of this, if at all in the small print. Headline King was and is North Korea's "Young General" Kim Jong-un. He let one rocket after another rise into the East Asian sky, threatening again and again with a new atomic test. The wise Kim leaves with it well-calculated diplomatic helplessness, fear and fright.
Only in Indian and Chinese media did the Himalayan conflict cause major headlines. This conflict has now been defused for the time being. The fact that this dangerous conflict in the Himalayas on over three thousand meters above sea in the Western media hardly has been dealt with is probably due to the fact that online editors in newsrooms are probably not wrong if they assume that news about rockets, shot down by a dictator with comic hairdo, reach higher clicks than news drove rembrandt and now and then clapping, juicy earpins. How far North Korea is actually in atomic and rocket technology is probably not important in digital news journalism. Quotable experts are there for everything and everything … ..
McMahon Line
It has always been on the Doklam plateau (Chinese: Gonglang) since June. The weapons remained secure. However, the tone became more and more shrill in both India and China from week to week. There were also minor incidents at other points on the more than three thousand-kilometer-long frontier. The border conflict is over a hundred years old and extremely complex. In 1914 Sir Henry McMahon, British Foreign Minister, dealt with the Shimla Convention. The border area was then marked. The so-called McMahon line divides China, respectively Tibet from India. China never recognized this border line, but considered the border, also known as the Line of Actual Control (LAC), as provisional. India, on the other hand, declared the McMahon line as permanent and therefore refused to negotiate with China about it.
In addition to the Doklam Plateau in the Sikkim sector, a larger Indian territory is controversial in the East. The province of Arunachal Pradesh is claimed by China as a Tibetan area. In the west, Aksai Chin is reclaimed in the Pakistan-India-divided Kashmir of China. As India did not want to negotiate on the "permanent" border under Prime Minister Nehru, who otherwise had good relations with China, the first and so far the only one was the only one. India was defeated in a month-long war. Once again, India was facing an armed conflict in 1987.
Buthan between great powers
In the current conflict on the Donglang plateau at the three-corner of China-India-Buthan, China accused India of putting troops into position to prevent the Chinese road construction. India, on the other hand, designated the Doklam Plateau as the territory of Buthans. The Kingdom is closely connected with India. Larger Indian troops are stationed there. But King's king and government were scarcely, and very reserved, to the border conflict. Not by chance, the kingdom lies between two regional supervisors. Buthan also does not want to suffer the same fate as the nearby Sikkim as decades ago and to be annexed by India.
The two-sided irritated and ever more menacing tone indicated, according to commentators of the region on an early war. It may not be local, but extend to all the controversial border areas and the Indian Ocean. Especially a maritime war was probable. India has relatively strong naval forces. China, on the other hand, has been trying to exert its influence in the Indian Ocean since the turn of the century. In Burma and Pakistan, oil and natural gas pipelines are terminating; in Sri Lanka, China is also involved in the expansion of port facilities which are also strategically usable. China reaches over eighty per cent of its petroleum demand over the Indian Ocean, a considerable portion of which is transported across the Malacca Strait, only 1.7 km wide at its narrowest point.
Myths for house use
India and China – at least Atomm├Ąchte – agreed at the end of August on the withdrawal of troops from the controversial Donglang plateau. The danger of war is – for the time being – banned. China will, of course, continue to insist on the negotiation of a permanent, definite frontier. This is difficult for both Asian powers, because for decades domestic myths have been used to form myths about their respective enemies. A historical review of the past is urgently required on the other side of the McMahon line.
The fact that peace has come so quickly has, in China in particular, internal political reasons. On October 18, the Party Congress of the Communist Party, which takes place every five years, begins. This requires international peace and stability within the country. State, Party and Military Chief Xi Jinping is preparing for a second five-year term of office. As it looks from the outside, Xi has done everything right so far. In domestic politics, he uses stability with sugar bread and whip. As a statesman, he has gained an international reputation and gained Chinese stature. As a military officer, he gave the military the tariff and appointed new commanders. As a party leader, he probably set the course in the traditional bathing holidays in Baidaihe in the East China Sea to shape the renewal of the Central Committee, the Political Bureau and, above all, the Permanent Politburo Committee.
But it is also true that the castle's peace on the Donglang plateau is one of the preparations. A hot border war in the Himalayas with eaves, rempties, guns or even more is simply unthinkable during the great Communist Powwow in China.


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